Russia’s Demographic Crisis: Is There a Way Out?

RUSSIA’S DEMOGRAPHIC CRISIS: IS THERE A WAY OUT? Ensuring sustainable population growth has entered the list of challenges for a large number of countries. In today’s world, many developed economies, primarily in the West, are in the list of countries whose populations are shrinking at a rapid pace. According to the United Nations standard for sustainable growth, the total fertility rate (TFR), the average number of children that would be born by a woman over her lifetime, that ensures a broadly stable population is around 2.1 births per woman. Currently, the world average TFR is 2.5 children per woman, while this figure for Europe is 1.54 children per woman. In order to avoid the negative effects of depopulation such as the workforce shortage and economic decline, every country uses different methods and policies to encourage families to have more children. Distinguishing features of the fertility decline are also evident in Russia. During the Soviet period, the TFR has gradually declined from 2.52 births per woman in 1960 to 2.22 births per woman in 1987. The collapse of the Soviet Union further accelerated the TFR decline, and within the next decade the TFR dropped from 2.22 births per woman in 1987 to 1.38 births per woman in 1993 hitting a bottom low in 1999 with 1.15 births per woman. This sharp fall in the TFR has also pulled down the natural increase of the country’s population. Over the past two decades, Russia’s population has continuously declined falling from its peak point of 148.6 million people in 1992 to 146.5 million citizens in 2000. Due to an immense decrease in the birth rates, the difference between the number of deaths and births reached an alltime high of 1 million in 2000, and there were no significant changes during 2000-2005. However, starting in 2005 there was a strong population increase trend. The difference between births and deaths has fallen to 239,500 people in 2010, and starting in 2012 there was even a surplus of births. As a result, the Russian government managed to boost the TFR to 1.69 births per woman in 2012.
One of the main reasons for this significant increase could be associated with the Russian government’s efforts to improve the demographic situation. According to a number of surveys, due to mainly economic concerns many families in Russia decided to have only one child despite being positive about having a second child. For example, survey results indicate that approximately 50% of the survey participants expressed their willingness to have a second child but only 15% of them actually have a second child. This defines the gap between actual and potential fertility in Russia. In order to ease concerns of families, in 2007 the Russian government introduced the family support package that aims at raising the proportion of families with two and more children. The package program includes complex financial support from tax deductions to kindergarten subsidies and aims to improve the conditions of child support assistance. One of the most important initiatives implemented within the package is the maternity capital, which is administered in the form of a certificate issued upon the birth of a second or subsequent child. In 2007, the maternity capital amount was set at 250,000 rubles ($9,772), and gradually this figure was increased to 429,000 rubles ($11,158) in 2014. However, families could use these allocated money only three years after the birth date. Therefore, by providing large lump-sum payments and certain improvements in the child support assistance system the Russian government aimed to increase the overall birth rate. As a result, having reached its lowest point of 142.7 million people in the post-Soviet period in 2009, the population of Russia increased to 143.7 million in 2014 with a further growth to 146.8 million in 2017.
However, there are some more issues that should be also taken into account. In fact, despite the upward trend in the natural population growth caused by the family support policy, the TFR in Russia has not grown significantly over the past years and remained at the average level of 1.75 births per woman in 2013-2016. It means that the large lump-sum money initiatives have not succeeded properly, and many economic concerns of Russian families remain. Indeed, Russia’s authorities with their family policies focused on financial assistance follow the example of Germany, which invested heavily in lump-sum grants and tax incentives for married couples. However, Berlin still struggles with a very low TFR despite the allocation over $80 billion, or around 2% of its GDP, for the family support policy annually. Indeed, in 1998-2009, Germany’s TFR remained stable at the level of 1.36 births per woman only reaching 1.5 births per woman in 2015. To compare, with relatively less funds the Russian government managed to increase the TFR from 1.41 births per woman in 2007 to 1.76 births per woman in 2016.
In order to avoid the trap that Germany has fallen into, Russia could refer to France’s experience in stimulating childbearing. In fact, unlike Germany and Russia, the French government heavily supports its daycare funds creating a well-developed network of state-run childcare centers, tax breaks for nannies, etc.
The family support system established in the country allows mothers to rejoin the labor force easily avoiding the family-work dilemma. Allocating almost the same amount of resources as Germany, France managed to pull its TFR from 1.7 births per woman in 1997 to 2 births per woman in 2006, being able to preserve this ratio since then. With this approach, the French government created a tailored model, under which the opportunity cost of having a child for women decreases since the authorities provide an opportunity to take care of their babies with daycare centers subsidized by the government through its centralized Family Allowance Fund.
In case of Russia, which focuses mainly on providing material support to mothers with children up to 18 months, a further strengthening of the childcare system is a matter of great concern. Indeed, traditionally, Russia is a country with high rates of the female labor force participation, however, the employment of mothers with children aged three or under is rather low. In fact, many mothers of 18-montholds have to remain on unpaid maternity leaves joining a long queue for public kindergartens. As a result, a low coverage and availability of formal childcare in Russia, which prevent Russian women from the labor force participation, have a major impact on the intention of families to have a second child. In conclusion, it should be admitted that the recent population growth in Russia was ensured by both the natural population increase and migration. The favorable age structure, namely, the large female cohort born in the 1980s entering the peak reproductive years, coupled with the family support policy, triggered the increase in births in the early 2010s. However, the number of births has again started to decline after 2015 since the number of women of the peak reproductive age has started to decrease. Taking into account the fact that the family-related norms and attitudes, including the timing of having children, have significantly changed in post-Soviet Russia, it is expected that in the midterm perspective there would be a further reduction in the natural population growth. Since Russia has entered the population aging period, its family support policy, which undoubtedly creates a positive environment for people to expand their families, will have only short-lived effects on fertility. As a result, policies shaping future fertility dynamics should be developed, taking into account the current age structure of the Russian population.
Written by Zhengizkhan Zhanaltay, Eurasian Research Institute, Kazakhstan started working on the re-opening issue.
Politics, Foreign Affairs and Security .
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